Another attack, and this time the West Bank
Another attack, and this time the West Bank
From Gaza to the West Bank, it’s the same war on a different front
A large-scale Israeli military operation in Jenin, and now with Trump in the White House, Israeli right-wing extremists are dreaming of annexing the West Bank. Weapons that have been silent in Gaza are firing in Jenin in the West Bank for hours. The number of dead is at least 12, and the number of injured is about 40. These are the initial figures from the large-scale military operation that the Israeli armed forces have launched against this city, which hosts the largest refugee camp in the West Bank. Governor Kamal Abu al-Rub described the operation as a full-scale invasion and reported that Apache helicopters are flying over the city and Israeli military vehicles are everywhere.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu explained that the Iron Wall attack aims to eradicate terrorism and is considered another step to strengthen security in Judea and Samaria. However, in the view of many, this action seems like a concession to the far-right to accept the ceasefire in Gaza, at least for the present time. With the implementation of the ceasefire in this region, the level of conflicts in the West Bank is expected to increase.
On Monday, masked Israeli settlers attacked the Palestinian villages of Al-Funduq and Jinsafut in the northern West Bank, injuring at least 21 people.
At the height of the violence, Israeli Army Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi announced that he would resign on March 6, 2025. He, who is expected to remain in his position for about 45 more days until March 6, said he submitted his resignation to the Defense Minister due to the failure to predict and counter the Hamas attack on October 7. Halevi, in his resignation letter, said he made this decision during a time of significant achievements for the military, even though not all of Israel’s war goals have been achieved.
Shortly after him, Yaron Finkelman, head of the Southern Command of the Israeli army, also resigned.
Former Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who resigned after signing an agreement with Hamas, praised this decision and continued, ‘Now I expect a new strong and aggressive Chief of Staff to be appointed who will lead us to victory over Hamas.’
A friend in the White House
The escalation of conflicts in Jenin occurs amid rapid changes in the United States, a country that is Israel’s biggest ally and supporter. Immediately after entering the White House, Donald Trump issued an executive order that immediately lifted sanctions against settlers involved in violent activities.
This action, taken for the first time by Washington, was approved by the Biden administration in an atmosphere of increasing frustration over the violence committed by Israeli settlers in the West Bank and the handling of conflicts in Gaza by the Tel Aviv government, which faced U.S. pressure.
The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that lifting sanctions against extremist settlers encourages them to commit more crimes against our people, while the Times of Israel noted that the presence of a settler movement leader at the U.S. presidential inauguration indicates the speed of Washington’s change in stance.
Among the plethora of executive orders signed immediately after taking office, Trump also revived an order that allows him to impose economic sanctions against the International Criminal Court (ICC).
This action paves the way for the United States to impose sanctions against the judicial body and its staff, who in recent months have issued international arrest warrants against Israeli officials accused of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Biblical claims
Among the decisions made by the elected president, another decision that has worried Palestinians and a significant portion of U.S. allies is the selection of Elise Stefanik, a New York representative, as ambassador to the United Nations.
During a confirmation hearing in the U.S. Senate, when Maryland Senator Chris Van Hollen asked her, Stefanik affirmed her full support for Israel’s claim to biblical rights over the entire West Bank. Stefanik, whose stance is considered a threat to diplomatic efforts in the Middle East, criticized what she called the ongoing UN bias against Israel and pointed to the disproportionate number of resolutions targeting the country.
She said the United States must unconditionally support Israel at the United Nations. As ambassador, I will work tirelessly to counter unilateral attacks against the United States’ closest ally and ensure that the United Nations fairly carries out its mission to promote peace and security. Another key aspect of Stefanik’s testimony was her commitment to reviewing and revising U.S. funding allocations within international organizations. She criticized some organizations, particularly UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, which Israel deems illegal, for supporting activities that she believes promote anti-Semitism and encourage terrorism.
Mike Huckabee, Trump’s new ambassador to Israel, also echoed similar sentiments, declaring that there is no such thing as the West Bank. Previously, during his visit to Israel in 2017, he had said there is no Palestinian identity.
Do right-wingers have their eyes on the West Bank?
Overall, it seems that Washington’s decisions confirm the predictions of the Financial Times, which suggested that the new U.S. administration would be the staunchest supporter of the Israeli government in decades. During his first presidency, Trump deemed Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank legitimate, recognized Israel’s claims over the Syrian Golan Heights, and proposed a peace initiative that allocated most of Jerusalem to Israel, leaving only a poor suburb of the disputed city to the Palestinians.
Today, Trump’s return to power at a time when Palestinians are weaker than before strengthens the expectations of Israeli right-wing extremists regarding their long-term goals, including the annexation of large parts of the West Bank. Trump has previously gained credit for establishing a fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, which led to the release of three Israeli hostages.
But when asked if he thought the ceasefire could hold, the president refrained from committing to the issue. He said, ‘This is not our war, it’s their war.’ Likewise, when asked about the future of Gaza, which, after 15 months of relentless bombing and at least 46,000 deaths, will need billions of dollars for reconstruction, he gave a vague response.
Trump said Gaza is like a devastated place that needs to be rebuilt differently, and for a moment returned to his former role as a real estate developer, imagining a future for this war-torn area as a luxury resort. ‘This place is in an extraordinary location by the sea, with great weather. Amazing things can be done,’ he said.
On October 7, the Israeli army under my command failed to protect Israeli citizens, and this was the reason for Herzi Halevi’s resignation as the Chief of Staff of the Israeli army. His decision was based on his ethical principles, something that Netanyahu probably lacks. Halevi’s resignation in a way reveals the reasons for Israel’s recent operation against Jenin.
This city is the main base of Hamas in the West Bank, but the main reason for an attack that may threaten the Gaza ceasefire and the release of Israeli hostages is Netanyahu’s need for a perpetual war. His political survival depends on it. In fact, with his resignation, Halevi implicitly reminded that the main culprit of the October 7 disaster is the Prime Minister. In the absence of war, Israel had asked Netanyahu to be accountable. Even judges were summoning him to answer charges of corruption and abuse of power leveled against him.
