Radan’s Return Signals Intensified Suppression to Protesters
Radan’s return signals suppression to protesters. According to Iran Gate, today, Ahmadreza Radan, the former commander of Tehran’s police force, was appointed as the deputy to Brigadier General Hossein Ashtari, the commander of Iran’s Law Enforcement Force (NAJA).
What takes this appointment beyond the ordinary and invites various analyses is its timing coinciding with recent protests and rumors of the Islamic Republic’s leader’s dissatisfaction with NAJA’s performance, and naturally, the leadership of this organization.
But who is the new police chief of the Islamic Republic?
Radan began his military career in 1980 as a volunteer in the Basij force, then transferred to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and was a member during the Iran-Iraq war. After the war, he was transferred to the law enforcement command in Kurdistan. He served as the law enforcement commander of Kurdistan from 1997 to 2000 and of Sistan and Baluchestan from 2000 to 2003.
From 2003 to 2004, Radan was the law enforcement commander of Khorasan, and from 2004 to 2006, he was the commander of Khorasan Razavi. In 2006, he was appointed as the commander of Tehran’s police force and served in this position until 2008. In October 2010, the United States Department of the Treasury sanctioned him for serious human rights violations.
The Sanctioned Commander
On April 12, 2011, the European Union sanctioned Ahmadreza Radan for widespread and severe violations of Iranian citizens’ rights and chain murders. According to the EU statement, Ahmadreza Radan, as the deputy commander of the law enforcement force, played a role in the beatings, killings, arbitrary arrests, and detention of protesters by the law enforcement force during the post-2009 election protests.
In October 2010, the United States Department of the Treasury sanctioned Ahmadreza Radan for serious human rights violations. According to the department’s statement, Ahmadreza Radan, as the deputy commander of the law enforcement force, was responsible for the beatings, killings, and arrests of protesters during the post-2009 presidential election protests and the incidents at Kahrizak detention center.
A Man for the Season of Suppression
Now, Radan, who has a history of suppression and organizing suppressive forces since the 2009 Green Movement protests, returns with the order of the Supreme Leader. After a period of inactivity spent at the NAJA Strategic Studies Center and in a ceremonial position, the ongoing ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ protest movement has turned the tide in his favor, and he has returned with a new mission to suppress protests.
However, this tactical change may not be very effective, as the root solution for restoring calm is neither through force nor through dialogue and negotiation, which seems to be a thing of the past. Now, the arena between the government and protesters resembles more of a duel, where the complete elimination of one side is the minimum demand of both parties.
Radan’s Statements in Defense of the Morality Police
In 2014, Ahmadreza Radan reacted harshly to then-President Hassan Rouhani’s criticism of the morality police. Regarding some comments about the dismantling of the morality police, he said these remarks are merely the personal opinions of individuals expressing them. However, we welcome opinions related to the implementation of this plan, but regarding the reason, the deputy commander of the law enforcement force added, we have no debate about the existence of the morality police and security patrols, and there is no room for discussion about their existence or non-existence.
The deputy commander of NAJA has announced the intensification of morality police activities. In 2014, the law enforcement force will undoubtedly take more targeted and cohesive action against those who have deliberately undermined our culture, and public manifestations will also be considered.
Victory Through Fear: The Perpetual Policy
It seems the regime’s eternal policy of ‘victory through fear’ continues. On the very day that two young protesters, who were sentenced to execution in recent protests with minimal legal rights such as having a lawyer and a fair trial, had their sentences carried out, the news of Radan’s appointment was also publicized. This coincidence cannot be without reason, and it carries an implicit threat against any protest reaction from the public.
However, it seems these measures are no longer effective. As Ivan Klima says in his book ‘The Spirit of Prague,’ although in the beginning, brutal actions by totalitarian governments, such as show trials, executions that are often a form of murder, and illegal sentences, terrify many, they eventually realize that such methods cannot be practically used in many cases.
