This time, Aref breaks the silence
This time, Aref breaks the silence. On the verge of forming the fourteenth government, there were numerous opinions and predictions about selecting this position, and naturally, this matter was so serious for Pezeshkian and his steering council that no option entered the proposed list.
Ali Tayebnia, Mohammad Javad Zarif, Mohammad Reza Aref, Ali Abdolalizadeh, and Ali Larijani were the most prominent candidates, with the names of two of them, Tayebnia and Zarif, being mentioned from the early days after Pezeshkian’s victory in the presidential election, and Aref, Abdolalizadeh, and Larijani joining this lineup later.
Zarif, who heads Pezeshkian’s established steering council, announced in the early days after the election that he does not want a responsibility in the government and is not willing to accept the first deputy position just for its title.
Ali Tayebnia, the economy minister in Rouhani’s government, an economist and a distinguished professor in the country, was introduced as one of the most likely candidates for this position, and his name remained alongside all the names that entered and exited the list for the first deputy.
After that, Mohammad Reza Aref, the first deputy of the second reformist government, was another candidate whose presence in this position was announced as a 50/50 possibility.
Ali Abdolalizadeh, Pezeshkian’s campaign manager and the housing minister in Khatami’s government, was another potential candidate for this position, although he announced a day after Pezeshkian’s victory that he would not hold any position in the fourteenth government, but he was still considered one of the potential candidates until the official announcement of the first deputy.
Hossein Marashi, the secretary-general of the Executives of Construction Party, was another candidate proposed for this post.
His name was announced as the proposed candidate of the Executives of Construction Party, but he himself emphasized that he would not become the first deputy.
Ali Larijani was another potential candidate for this position, whose name gained more attention after meeting with Pezeshkian.
According to news from the meeting between Larijani and Pezeshkian, rumors spread that Ali Larijani was a candidate for two important positions: first deputy and secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, although this news was denied by unofficial channels.
A historical change
The position of the first vice president was anticipated in 1989 during the constitutional revision, and it was decided that this position would fill the void left by the abolition of the prime minister’s post.
Before this, debates over powers, especially among statesmen, were common. The prime minister, who received a vote of confidence from the parliament, had more executive power than the president, who received a vote of confidence from the people, and this issue further fueled the debates that the lengthy process of presidential elections and the greater power of the prime minister were in conflict, diminishing the president’s role.
On the other hand, the disputes, especially during the time of Iran’s last prime minister, Mir Hossein Mousavi, and then-president Ayatollah Khamenei, were other reasons that led to the abolition of this post. Eventually, in the constitutional revision, this position was removed from the organizational structure, but the void of a position with high authority to manage the executive branch and support the president was still felt. Hence, the first vice president, with powers almost similar but more moderated compared to the prime minister, entered the government structure, changing the approach of the prime minister as head of the government and executive figure, and the president as a national figure. Following this change, the president became more of an executive figure and head of the executive branch, while the first vice president became more of a manager of the presidential institution with broad powers and responsibilities, still maintaining an important and sensitive position.
In an article examining the position of the first vice president as the deputy of the president and his anticipated responsibilities in Iran’s legal system, Article 131 is highlighted, stating that in the event of the president’s death, dismissal, resignation, absence, or illness lasting more than two months, or in cases where the presidential term has ended and a new president has not been elected due to obstacles, the only person who assumes his responsibilities and powers with the leader’s approval is the first vice president.
Therefore, the aforementioned article explicitly names the first vice president, deeming other vice presidents or ministers unqualified for the mentioned duties.
In another part of this article, considering the importance of this post, it is emphasized that two situations should be considered for the first vice president in the cabinet. On the one hand, since the first vice president is selected by the president and not subject to the approval of the Islamic Consultative Assembly and has no political responsibility before the parliament, two situations should be considered for him in the cabinet to clarify his priority over ministers and other vice presidents. First, when the president is present, the president himself manages the cabinet meetings, and the first vice president, if present, does not independently have the right to vote in the cabinet and has no priority over the ministers.
Secondly, in the absence of the president, according to Article 124 of the constitution, the only person explicitly authorized to manage the cabinet and coordinate other vice presidencies with the president’s approval is the first vice president, who has the right to vote in the president’s absence.
The article concludes that the first vice president in the political system structure of the country holds a special importance and role, and the legislator has considered diverse and sensitive duties for him both in the presence and absence of the president. However, unfortunately, there are serious questions and ambiguities surrounding these duties and the role of this position, and it seems that the existing laws and regulations in this regard suffer from a kind of deficiency rooted in the contradictions and ambiguities present in the constitution that have not been clarified by ordinary laws, as the constitution considers the selection of this position by the president optional but assigns sensitive and extensive duties to him.
Mohammad Mazhari, a law professor at the University of Tabriz, and colleagues in the 15th issue of the Administrative Law Quarterly, Summer 2018, noted that the rare incident following the helicopter crash carrying the thirteenth government head, Seyyed Ebrahim Raisi, and his accompanying team highlighted the position of his first vice president more than ever.
He, as the deputy of the president, participated in the meetings of the three branches of power, formed cabinet meetings, issued numerous orders, and was responsible for holding early presidential elections.
All first vice presidents
The role of the first vice president has been very important and sensitive following the constitutional revision to the extent that Ahmadinejad was willing to invite Mohammad Reza Aref to continue holding this post in his government, which faced Aref’s opposition.
Ahmadinejad’s inability to choose a first vice president led to significant troubles for him, forcing him to appoint three first vice presidents during his two presidential terms.
Parviz Davoodi, his first first vice president, left the government without a farewell and in anger. At that time, it was suggested that Davoodi was involved in altering unemployment statistics and had many interferences in the government’s economic appointments and dismissals.
The late Hassan Habibi was the first first vice president in Iran, taking on this responsibility in August 1989, appointed by the late Hashemi Rafsanjani, and held this position for 12 years, continuing into Khatami’s government.
Mohammad Reza Aref was the second first vice president in Iran, assuming this responsibility from 2001 to 2005 after Habibi stepped down.
Parviz Davoodi was the third first vice president in Iran, assuming this position during the first four years of Ahmadinejad’s presidency, and after his departure, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei became the first vice president.
Mashaei held the position of first vice president for less than a week in July 2009, but due to the leader’s opposition and his explicit letter, the first vice president was changed, and Ahmadinejad replaced him with Mohammad Reza Rahimi, who served as the third first vice president from September 2009 to August 2013.
Eshaq Jahangiri was the only first vice president for both terms of Hassan Rouhani’s presidency, and Mohammad Mokhber was selected as the first vice president for the late Raisi’s government, and now once again, Mohammad Reza Aref has taken on this important position.
A return to presence, Aref breaks the silence
Aref, whose name was announced as the first vice president of the fourteenth government, was previously the minister of post and telegraph, the first vice president of the Management and Planning Organization, the president of the University of Tehran, a member of parliament, a permanent member of the Academy of Sciences, and a member of the Expediency Discernment Council.
Aref’s time in Iranian politics has seen many ups and downs, while his best performance is attributed to his presidency at the University of Tehran and his first vice presidency, his worst performance is associated with his leadership of the Hope Fraction and representing the people of Tehran.
His silence during his time as a representative faced much criticism, and during the same period when criticism against him intensified, his son’s comments about ‘good genes’ further fueled public anger towards Aref.
After his appointment to this position, reactions to Aref’s selection were mixed; some considered Aref the best choice for this post, while others criticized his age and his weak political performance in recent years.
However, one of the supports for this selection came from Ali Sharifi Zarchi, a dismissed professor from Sharif University, who pointed out Aref’s resignation from the recruitment committee at Sharif University due to his dismissal, emphasizing that such actions are rare among other officials.
Now, with this selection, it remains to be seen whether the 73-year-old Aref is the right choice for this position and whether he can have the same approach as in his youth and break his silence.
