Hijab from Pahlavi era to today
Hijab from Pahlavi era to today
Two events 48 years apart have highlighted the issue of clothing regulations: the Dress Code Law in 1935 and the enforcement of compulsory Islamic hijab in 1983. In both cases, women’s attire underwent changes influenced by political motives, although the consequences of these actions cannot be equated, leading to 45 years of mandatory hijab rule.
What concerns the current religious government in Iran is the fragmented puzzle that has prompted them to bring the tool called the Law of Chastity and Hijab to the forefront. It indicates that Islamic compulsory hijab is no longer as integral to Iranian society as theorized by some Islamic Republic ideologists, at least not according to Morteza Motahari’s views expressed in his book. A government that, since the 1990s, has exhaustively explored various avenues alongside its coercive authority, faced a historical turning point in Shahrivar 2022 with Mahsa Amini’s tragic death during detention by the morality police.
A law that is not enforceable
Ahmad Bakharaee, a sociologist in Tehran, believes that the bill supporting families through promoting a culture of chastity and hijab will not be enforced on the announced date of Azar 23. He states that this law has been criticized from various aspects, and even conservative individuals, who do not necessarily say the law is wrong, agree that it is not executable and are concerned about its consequences.
According to Article 1 of the Civil Law, the decisions of the Islamic Consultative Assembly and the results of all referendums, after going through legal procedures, are communicated to the President. The President must sign it within five days and notify the executors and issue the order for its publication. The note to this article states that in case the President refuses to sign or notify within the mentioned period, the Official Gazette is obligated to print and publish the decision within 72 hours under the order of the Speaker of the Islamic Consultative Assembly.
Ahmad Bakharaee considers Zahra Bahrouzi Azar’s statements, the Deputy for Women’s Affairs to the President of Iran, regarding the reverse effectiveness and operational ambiguities of this law, as signs of its fundamental and semantic flaws. The author of the book ‘Democracy and Its Enemies in Iran’ mentions the hidden function of the Chastity and Hijab Law for Masoud Pezeshkian and his government.
He argues that Mr. Paziakian needs validation for himself and this can be in his favor and considered as positive records of his government by the people. Mr. Bakharai says that Masoud Paziakian is someone whom all opposing forces in society have come together and Iran has pinned its hopes on him, and they may give him this validation so that he can continue the path of national unity behind that slogan. However, Sadiqeh Vasmaqi, an Islamic scholar and critic of mandatory hijab policy in Iran, finds this analysis far-fetched and says that approving this law and highlighting it to this extent is not about validating Masoud Paziakian, the President of Iran.
This women’s rights activist questions whether conservatives are sacrificing themselves more to the public than before and validating themselves so that Paziakian gains credibility and the system is preserved. Despite this, Mr. Bakharai insists on the possible non-enforcement of this law and evaluates it as a result of the relative awareness of the conservatives about the consequences of enforcing such a law. Sadiqeh Vasmaqi is convinced that the main concern is not the enforcement or non-enforcement of the law on chastity and hijab, but according to this Islamic scholar, the existence of such a law is what causes concern.
The author of the book ‘The Woman, Islamic Jurisprudence, and the Existence of a Law that can be a Threat to Social Peace’ finds it concerning that Ms. Vasmegi does not agree with any of the existing solutions or amendments to the modesty and hijab law. Instead, she believes that the only thing that can address societal concerns, especially for women, is to abolish the hijab law. Ahmad Bakhraee also states that when personal matters like hijab come under official scrutiny, it triggers reactions from various religious groups. Even those who have chosen to wear the hijab show reactions because they see their hijab and beliefs being used as tools.
The author of the book ‘Sociology of Silent Lives’ refers to the issue of women’s activism during the protests of 1401. He mentions that women, including Ms. Vasmegi, wore their headscarves in situations of pressure and vulnerability, and paid the price for it. They still pay the price and are willing to continue paying. He believes that this confrontation will lead to greater unity and cohesion among women. According to Sadiqeh Vasmegi, women with hijab value their hijab only when it is their own choice.
According to Mrs. Vasmaghi, when a woman wears a headscarf and suspects that people consider her to be following the Islamic Republic pattern, it is also distressing for that woman. Ahmad Bakhari mentions the manifestation of pretense and the conflict between opinion and behavior as an established matter in Iranian society, and sees the hijab as a tool of the Islamic government’s interests, which is manipulated in line with the goals of the powerful and wealthy individuals.
