The Decline of Democracy in Hong Kong
The Decline of Democracy in Hong Kong: Fourteen pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong have been convicted of subversion, but Beijing dismisses this criticism, saying interference is enough.
The court’s ruling on the sabotage conspiracy against the 14 democracy activists, now facing three years to life imprisonment, marks an end to the democratic and liberal aspirations of this city.
This main ruling is related to the primary judicial case in the crackdown on dissent since Beijing enacted its first national security law four years ago. Over the past year, Hong Kong, a special administrative region of China since 1979 after a century and a half of British control, has experienced massive street protests demanding more autonomy from Beijing in the name of democracy.
Joshua Wong, a prominent activist of the protest movement at the time of this law’s implementation, said this is the end of the Hong Kong the world has known. It was June 30, 2020. In fact, the law envisaged full control by the Chinese Communist Party over the fragrant harbor, allowing Chinese intelligence to operate in this territory without interference.
Since then, hundreds of activists have been arrested or fled abroad, independent media have been shut down, and the principle of ‘one country, two systems,’ which since 1979 had guaranteed the former British colony’s residents broader civil and expressive freedoms than the rest of China, has gradually eroded.
The Group of 47
Beijing and Hong Kong officials argue that the national security law is necessary to maintain stability. There are four main crimes that can be punished with a maximum sentence of life imprisonment: secession for those advocating separation from China, subversion for those trying to undermine the authority of the central government, terrorism for those resorting to violence or intimidation, and collusion with foreign forces.
In total, 47 defendants are involved in the sabotage case. In addition to the 14 convicted yesterday, two others were acquitted, although the Ministry of Justice has appealed, and they will remain conditionally free until a decision is made on the appeal. The sentences for the other 31, who pleaded guilty hoping for lighter sentences, will be announced at a later date.
All 47 are accused of trying to overthrow the Hong Kong government by organizing unofficial primary elections.
Among them are prominent figures of the opposition movement, former legislators, journalists, and academics. They come from multiple generations and a wide political spectrum, from moderate democrats to those supporting autonomy in Hong Kong. Like all national security cases so far, this trial was held without a jury, presided over by a panel of three high court judges appointed by John Lee, the city’s council leader.
A Small China
The case of the 48 people began with an unofficial primary election organized by the pro-democracy opposition in July 2020 for the island’s legislative council. The aim was to limit the best options for candidates and attempt to gain a majority in the Hong Kong Legislative Council.
However, officials reacted and claimed that the primary election was an evil conspiracy aimed at paralyzing the government and undermining state power.
Subsequently, the election that the defendants hoped to win was postponed to 2021 due to health concerns related to COVID, but during this delay, Beijing and Hong Kong officials rewrote electoral laws and established a more stringent screening system to eliminate candidates deemed unpatriotic.
During its long narrative, this story provides insight into how the national security law has rewritten the island’s political landscape, with a pro-democracy opposition that was once allowed to operate but is now dismantled, and dissenters nearly eradicated.
Simon Cheng, a democracy activist in exile, says the national security law has created an environment of fear and self-censorship. The loud and critical voices that once defended democracy and human rights are being silenced, creating a void where once there was robust public debate and civic engagement.
A New Era of Authoritarianism
Two months ago, the Hong Kong Legislative Council unanimously passed a new national security law known as Article 23, which complements the law enacted by Beijing in 2020.
This law predicts five more categories of crimes than in 2020: treason, sedition, espionage, theft of state secrets, and sabotage. Under this law, six people, including civil activist Chow Hang-tung, were arrested.
According to officials, they were using social media to spread seditious content, given a sensitive anniversary.
This refers to the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre, which until 2019 was commemorated in Hong Kong on June 4 with vigils in memory of the victims.
The commemoration of the anti-communist protests that swept through the heart of China 35 years ago is closely monitored by Chinese authorities, who in recent years have decided to censor and ban any commemorative events in this city.
Internationally expressed doubts about Article 23 prompted a swift reaction from China. The Chinese Foreign Ministry in Hong Kong described the positions of the US State Department and the European Union as irresponsible comments and defamation.
However, this law has also been widely criticized by human rights groups, who argue that it calls the island into a new era of authoritarianism.
Nearly four years after the enactment of the Hong Kong national security law in Beijing, the new status in this city seems to have been established.
The measure that the People’s Republic passed in June 2020 allowed city officials to eliminate the pro-democracy opposition, which had achieved significant political results in the months following the 2019 protests, and to silence the rest of civil society thanks to these protests.
A very comprehensive legal architecture established by Beijing in the city.
Today’s ruling is evidence of this, but China’s interventions in the island should not be misleading. After the end of the 2019-2020 political crisis and China’s regaining control over Hong Kong, it is reported that Beijing is considering once again giving city officials the responsibility to protect national security in Hong Kong.
This process of localizing political control over the new status quo is accompanied by the economic challenges China faces, challenges that Hong Kong, as a gateway to global capital markets, can help alleviate.
But this is only on the condition that there is an appearance of normalization in the management of citizens’ affairs on the island, which is currently not very evident.