The vote of Arab and Muslim Americans is not important
The Democratic Party convention in Chicago concluded, and one of its most significant features was managing concerns about the destructive impact of public protests by Palestinian supporters and critics of the Israeli government.
During this convention, no opportunity was given for a representative of Arab Americans to speak, despite a special text supporting Harris and endorsing her general policies being prepared, and there was no positive and calm platform for a representative of American Muslims to speak.
The Gaza crisis has united various spectrums of Muslim and non-Muslim Arab Americans. On the other hand, it should be noted that criticism of the Israeli government and support for Palestinians is not limited to Arab and Muslim Americans, and various American groups share this concern. However, the reality cannot be denied that the crisis resulting from Hamas’s attack and what happened on that day and the dirty behavior of this organization’s forces have forever affected the mindset of a significant portion of Americans. In any case, the issue of the Arab and Muslim American vote in this year’s elections has been greatly highlighted.
From the early months of Israel’s attack on Gaza, which coincided with the Democratic Party primaries, the movement of saying no to Biden and casting a blank or uncommitted vote became a significant trend.
The uncommitted vote in states like Michigan and Minnesota was so high that it earned delegates. As a result, only Biden and the uncommitted vote gained delegates, and the uncommitted delegates for this group were retained even after Harris entered the elections.
Requesting the right to speak at the convention with this public support was a logical request. Beyond that, there are crucial points in this story of the confrontation between Arab and Muslim Americans and the Biden administration over the Gaza crisis that have been less covered by the media. Above all, it should be noted that a significant part of the protest activities and the behavior of protest groups in universities and other public arenas have been peaceful.
However, there were groups that chanted the most extreme anti-Semitic slogans and provided extensive support for Hamas and the October 7th operation.
The American people have seen the images of Hamas’s brutality on that day, and naturally, any support for Hamas and that ominous day is a heavy blow to peaceful efforts to help the people of Gaza. The images, symbols, and slogans of these people have been accompanied by unprecedented violence and insult. The important point is the electoral value of Arabs and Muslims, which is naturally defined within the scope of American elections with its unique conditions.
In these circumstances, more than any other state, Michigan has gained serious importance, and the protest and anger of Arabs and Muslims in the current situation is very serious.
The population of Muslim and Arab Americans in this state, especially in the well-known Dearborn area, can be decisive when the difference is a few tens of thousands of votes that change the outcome of the electoral vote.
But is enduring all this political and electoral pressure worth it for Harris’s campaign? Perhaps not. Estimates indicate that in 2020, with all that empathy, Biden had 60 percent support among Arabs and Americans.
Specifically, Muslim-majority areas in states like Michigan may not only not be worth a lot of risk but there may not even be a reason for maximum activity.
Various groups among them are extremely angry with Trump and his anti-Muslim policies, and their numbers against him are not ending.
Yet, a significant portion of these groups with fanatic beliefs and extreme religious views are considered allies of the Republican extremists.
The spread of cultural tolerance and compromise in America and the freedoms and rights of homosexuals and the abortion debate, and examples like these have made them allies of Republican extremists. Three members of the state party board in Michigan are Arab.
Even the announcement of extreme Christian nationalist policies has not had much effect.
Muslims have joined multiple protests and programs against liberal education and culture in this state, and the media have reported on the alliance of these two factions.
Thus, it might be better for Trump himself, with xenophobia and anti-Muslim policies and announced policies of deporting immigrants, to pave the way for the Democrats.
It is Trump who has supported Israel for final operations and uprooting Gaza, and Robert Kennedy, who openly supports him, also backs a far more brutal policy and stance.
Groups of protesters connected to the Iranian regime and in some of their programs waved a beheaded Biden puppet in the sky, leaving little else to say.
The longstanding ties of various groups of Arab Americans with Republicans are still alive and tell a long story that requires a separate narrative.
There is a subtle point in this matter that we refer to in conclusion.
Tiffany, Trump’s daughter, is the daughter-in-law of a Lebanese-American family, and the Republicans’ efforts to attract Arab votes through her, who is a wealthy businessman, continue, although their market and efforts have not thrived so far.
