Ali Larijani’s Return: A Commemoration or a Decision for Change
Ali Larijani’s Return: A Commemoration or a Decision for Change According to Iran Gate, Ali Larijani, a member of the Expediency Discernment Council, who had a long and noteworthy silence after his three-term presidency of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, has recently been featured in interviews on state TV due to protests and the anniversary of General Soleimani’s assassination. Speculations about him and the possibility of his return to the forefront of politics have arisen.
Of course, this philosopher-like politician always analyzes events in his unique language, and perhaps this philosophical tone and perspective are somewhat less appealing to the general public.
In his recent and occasioned interview, he also provided an interesting critique and interpretation of the true caliber of a politician. He does not consider explaining the situation to be a politician’s duty or the reason for their election by the people. Instead, he believes that a politician should enter the political arena to change the situation, not to explain it. In this explanation and interpretation, a very serious critique can be clearly directed at the government and, at its head, the President.
Because these days, Raisi often acts as a critic of the current situation in his speeches, as if he is part of the opposition to his own government, ignoring the fact that leading the government is very different from judicial positions and that no problem, especially in the economy, is solved by decree and order.
Larijani’s Moderate Approach
As mentioned, Ali Larijani’s style of critique also has a complexity of a philosophical nature, and in recent years, as he has distanced himself from the top echelons of power, he has tried to criticize less and focus on his assigned tasks without controversy. The opinions of some of his former and close colleagues in the Consultative Assembly also support this claim.
For instance, Ezzat Yousufian Molla, a former parliamentary representative, says about him: ‘Mr. Larijani does not want to become a critic, criticize, or make critical remarks. He accepted all the tasks assigned to him without shirking any responsibility. In other words, any mandate issued for Mr. Larijani was accepted wholeheartedly, and he is currently busy with work.’
Ali Larijani’s political style is similar to that of Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri. There is still no framework for him to step into the field. What can he do? If Mr. Larijani did not accept the current responsibilities, it would be a different matter. However, he has accepted every responsibility assigned to him. Mr. Larijani is very active, participating wholeheartedly in all meetings of the Expediency Discernment Council and the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, in addition to fulfilling his duties as an advisor to the Supreme Leader.
Nowadays, any meeting can be interpreted as the beginning of criticism and critique. Mr. Larijani has no desire to criticize or be among the critics. Moreover, there is still a long time until the parliamentary elections, so there is currently no discussion on this topic.
Society’s Approach to Moderate Forces
If we realistically aim to explain and describe the current situation, we must accept that the existing atmosphere is very intense and radical on both sides—the protesters and the authorities. The authorities, with minimal flexibility and reasonable decision-making that might reduce tensions and possibly rebuild lost trust among some social layers, continue to beat the drum of power and harsh confrontation.
The protesters, in a reactive response to this approach by the authorities, not only do not back down from their previous demands but now are not satisfied with anything less than a change in government. In these circumstances, it is natural that the groups that are not heeded are the moderate ones.
These days, we witness that whether in activism or in serious spaces of social networks like Twitter, and whether at the level of politicians and political elites, anyone who talks about a middle and reformist path immediately faces multiple labels and accusations, and the great anger of the protesters descends upon them, with the least they receive being the new political label of ‘whitewasher.’
Therefore, in such circumstances, accepting that the protesting society, both on the streets and in silence, pays the least attention to moderate forces is a reality, and this may have its consequences in the future in the post-revolution and protest space.
Something that the revolutionary generation regrets about not turning to figures like Shapour Bakhtiar, although in this writing we do not intend to compare any contemporary political figures, and we well know they are essentially incomparable. Rather, the subject of discussion is the role and chance of moderate forces in each historical period and socio-political crises.
The End of the Moderation Era
In today’s atmosphere, if everything is lost in the fog of doubt and it is less possible to express a definitive opinion about it, one thing seems almost certain and definite, and that is the end of the political moderates, both at the level of politicians and activists, as we witnessed with someone like Ahmad Zeidabadi, who suffered from imprisonment, political house arrest, and many restrictions due to his journalistic activism. He too was not spared from harsh attacks and bid farewell to analyzing political events forever.
The harsh reactions of a tired, impatient, and oppressed society only listen to words that soothe their hearts from what has been said and the solutions provided.
Today, the crisis of legitimacy of the government, which has led to the loss of social capital, has not only put the rulers in a tight spot and danger but has also marginalized the moderate forces, which can always be a suitable option for changes. This is the result of the governance model of the political system ruling the country, and the full responsibility for this critical situation lies with the system.
