Behind the Scenes of the Investigation into Mobarakeh Steel: Steelgate
In the investigation of Mobarakeh Steel, there is a narrative that suggests no investigation in the parliament over the years has been conducted purely for the sake of God and the people, and there is always a political, economic, or even personal interest behind it. Some reports indicate that behind the investigation of Mobarakeh Steel Company, the Steelgate case, which was initiated by the insistence of two conservative representatives from the previous parliament, there are both political issues and economic interests involved.
Questions such as why the timeframe for the investigation into Mobarakeh Steel was chosen from 2017 onwards, and whether there was an intention behind it, arise. What were the connections and relationships between the two representatives pursuing this investigation, Nasser Mousavi Largani and Hossein Mirzaei, representatives of Falavarjan and Isfahan, and Mobarakeh Steel Company in previous years during past managements? Without clarifying these behind-the-scenes aspects, one cannot accurately judge the motivation and intent of any investigation.
Structural and Network Corruption
Another well-known narrative suggests that corruption in Iran has become systematic. The term ‘structural corruption’ was coined by Ahmad Tavakoli, a conservative economist and former parliament member, who is now famous for his harsh criticisms and protests against the current government’s policies. He believes that corruption in Iran has become networked.
He has a golden saying: ‘The Islamic Republic of Iran will not fall due to a coup, war, or military attack, but it is corruption that will lead to the downfall of any government.’ After the publication of the 300-page parliament report on Mobarakeh Steel, the question arose of what will happen to the rest now that for whatever reason, you have delved into Mobarakeh Steel.
Hassan Asadi Zaidabadi, a political activist, wrote on Twitter: ‘You’ve heard the Mobarakeh Steel story, but if you continue this thread, you’ll reach the bizarre stories of Gol Gohar Sirjan and its labyrinthine subsidiaries, and then your jaws will drop.’
However, there is someone named Hassan Pour, a representative of that region, who has been in parliament for 15 years and ensures that such investigations do not occur. Another user tweeted that if the story of the Beheshtar Industries Development Company and its subsidiaries is opened up, many will be shocked, especially regarding the actions taken there over the past three years.
Another user wrote that these are places where representatives have access, and supervisory bodies like the Audit Organization, the Judiciary, and the Tax Administration are also involved. What about the institutions that no one has the right to enter and are accountable to no one? For example, the sixth parliament once put the investigation of the IRIB on the agenda, but it was said that since the IRIB is a governmental body under the leadership, the parliament has no right to inquire about it.
We Discovered, Therefore We Are Anti-Corruption
The widespread and intense reactions to the multi-billion dollar corruption case in Mobarakeh Steel have upset pro-government conservative media, questioning why the parliament’s anti-corruption action has been used to undermine the regime. The Hamshahri newspaper, managed by Abdullah Ganji, former manager of the Javan newspaper, wrote that the revolutionary parliament investigated and exposed the corruption of an economic entity, and now this anti-corruption action has become a sign of intertwined and systemic corruption and a stick against the Islamic Republic.
Nowhere in the world will you find such a situation where the strength of a regime is turned into its weakness. It is not surprising that the counter-revolutionaries and their mercenaries push such an imaginary project forward. What is surprising is why this disgusting behavior has become a media habit for some inside.
It Was the Rouhani Administration’s Doing
All investigations in all Iranian parliaments over the years have invariably had a prominent and distinct feature. The usual process has been that the requesters and pursuers of the Steelgate case belong to one faction, and the investigated organization belongs to the opposing faction. The outcome of these cases has always been used as a pretext for political attacks against the opposing faction. This constant principle has been observed in all past periods, where the faction in power accuses the previous faction of corruption, and this cycle of accusations continues from one period to the next.
For instance, Kayhan wrote that it should be noted that the discovery and exposure of Mobarakeh Steel’s corruption is one of the good and commendable actions of the current parliament, which has effectively acted in its supervisory capacity regarding this production unit.
However, the tribes of the reformist spectrum played a major role in creating this corruption, and now the Shargh newspaper refers to it as the ‘hot corruption of Mobarakeh.’ Kayhan wrote in another article that Mobarakeh Steel is 100% state-managed, and for its management over the past three years, neither the actual shareholders nor the Minister of Industry, Mine, and Trade, but rather the office of the former president, made the decisions.
The interference of the former first vice president, the former president’s office manager, and the former governor of Isfahan in preventing the dismissal of the corrupt CEO and the non-convening of board meetings for three months were among the interventions of senior officials of the previous government. The representative of Najafabad in parliament also stated that in Mobarakeh Steel and during Rouhani’s administration, we witnessed a phenomenon called ‘sales agents,’ who, without any effort, enjoyed substantial incomes, and this role as a sales agent was nothing but a rent.
Media Frenzy and Nothing
However, the conservative Resalat newspaper has tried to take a more balanced view of the matter. This media likely considered the political and media dimensions of the issue and has asked everyone to hold off until the situation in the judiciary is clarified. It suggests registering the writings and numbers mentioned in the Mobarakeh Steel investigation report and comparing them with the final court ruling, which will show that much of what has been introduced in this case as rent or misconduct does not have a valid basis.
The essence and purpose of investigations are not to act like a court, but perhaps the public does not distinguish between the Mobarakeh Steel investigation report and the final court ruling, and what is sacrificed in between is public trust. The reality is that most investigations that parliaments have undertaken, even those that led to legal cases, have not reached a significant conclusion.
A specific example is the investigation of the Social Security Organization during Saeed Mortazavi’s presidency. Ultimately, all his actions were deemed administrative violations or within his managerial powers, and the judiciary issued a definitive acquittal from embezzlement charges.
See the article on the Mobarakeh Steel corruption case titled ‘Decoding Steelgate.’